Interviewer: Aung Zaw (AZ)
Interviewee: Maj-Gen Twan Mrat Naing (TMN), Arakan Army (AA)
In this insightful interview, General Tun Myat Naing, the leader of the Arakan Army, speaks with The Irrawaddy about the Arakan Army’s mission, governance, and the future of Myanmar as they strive for a federal union. He shares his views on the current state of the revolution, ethnic cooperation, and the challenges they face under the oppressive military junta.
Aung Zaw: Resistance groups in Kayah (Karenni) and Karen states are gaining more control, providing essential services like local governance, healthcare, and education. In Rakhine State, the Arakan Army (AA) is following a similar path. How are you handling governance, justice, and healthcare in regions under your control?
Twan Mrat Naing: Before clashes resumed in 2023, we established the Arakan Authority to manage governance and public services in Rakhine. We also set up the Arakan Public Policy and Administration school to train future leaders and improve governance. However, the constant fighting has disrupted government systems, making it difficult to maintain public services like education and healthcare.
Despite having teachers, students, and eager parents, we’ve had to suspend schools for safety reasons. The junta’s airstrikes have targeted both military and civilian areas indiscriminately. In healthcare, we face severe shortages of medical supplies, but our people are doing everything possible to secure medicine and treatment, with some anonymous help from organizations.
AZ: You’ve said that the Arakan Army is active not just in Rakhine but also in Karen and Chin States, and you’re supporting the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and Karen National Union (KNU) in northern Shan State. What is the ultimate goal of these operations?
TMN: Initially, we were focused on Rakhine’s national interests, but after 70 years of civil conflict, it’s clear that focusing on one ethnic agenda won’t bring lasting peace. We’ve realized that to overthrow the junta, ethnic groups must unite. Our struggle is not just Rakhine’s — it’s Myanmar’s.
Despite historic ethnic and border tensions, we now see a common enemy: the junta. This shared threat is an opportunity for unity, and we must work with all ethnic groups, including the Burmese (Bamar) majority. Together, we can create real change.
AZ: The Arakan Army has consistently advocated for a confederation. How does that fit into your broader strategy?
TMN: Our vision is both local and national. Locally, we want autonomy for Rakhine, but on a national level, we believe in a confederation. We can’t achieve peace and prosperity by focusing on Rakhine alone. We need to work with other ethnic groups and the Bamar majority to build a federal union.
Building trust with the Bamar people is critical. They are a vital force for change. Only by working together can we prevent any future dictatorship from rising. The goal is freedom for all ethnic groups, but that requires cooperation across Myanmar.
AZ: The junta plans to hold an election in 2025. Do you think this will be possible?
TMN: Min Aung Hlaing is looking for a way out. If I were in his shoes, I’d try to negotiate with neighboring countries for an exit strategy. An election is highly unlikely to succeed under current conditions. He may try to hold one to present a facade of democracy and secure his position, but it will be a sham.
AZ: Some international analysts believe that if the junta is overthrown, Myanmar might descend into chaos, like the Balkans. What are your thoughts on this?
TMN: These fears are misguided. The junta is the main source of Myanmar’s problems. Ethnic groups are suffering, and civil war rages because of their oppressive rule. What we have now is not a true union, but a nominal one held together by force.
Myanmar’s military operates with an outdated feudal mindset, driven by nationalism and extremism. It’s a relic of colonial times, using its power to dominate rather than unite. True unity can only come through a federal system that respects all ethnic groups.
AZ: How does today’s Myanmar military compare to the army of the 1960s and 1970s?
TMN: There are significant differences. Back then, the military had more public support and discipline. Today, they have more advanced technology and weaponry, but their leadership is weak and corrupt. Many officers act like businessmen, prioritizing personal gain over national service. Morale is low, especially in areas like northern Shan and Kachin states.
AZ: You’ve mentioned that you’ve gained ammunition and weapons from the junta. How did that happen?
TMN: The junta has, in a way, become an unintentional ally. When they retreat, they leave behind significant amounts of ammunition and weapons. We call these “dog’s bullets,” a term coined by our Karenni allies. It’s a bit of dark humor, but it’s true that their retreats have strengthened us.
AZ: Lastly, will the revolution succeed?
TMN: We’ve already seen many successes. The once-proud Myanmar Army is suffering defeat after defeat. They’re retreating, and soon, they’ll fall like dominoes. The revolution won’t satisfy everyone, but we are on the path to meaningful change. The key will be managing the post-revolution period. Despite the challenges, I believe we will see significant success.
This conversation offers a rare glimpse into the inner workings of the Arakan Army and its leader's vision for the future. As the situation in Rakhine State evolves, the AA’s approach to military and political engagement will play a crucial role in determining the region’s future and Myanmar’s overall political landscape.
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